History

A SHORT HISTORY OF

ALL INDIA FORWARD BLOC

 

PART – 1

NETAJI SUBHAS CHANDRA BOSE

1. A MAN OF FIRE

Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose is a name which glitters with glory in the history of the freedom movements of the world. He was an outstanding leader of the entire South and South East Asia which was trembled with movements, revolts and freedom wars from one corner to the other, during the Second World War. deeply inherited with the aspiration of Independence. He became a leader, not of one nation or two, but of the whole Asian continent, when he built up a Provisional Government in exile, and an army of its own, and declared war against Great Britain and other imperialist powers. It is beyond of any comparison with any incident, but it is above all examples that the world have foreseen; and it will perhaps be the only story of fire, of patriotism and bravery, of freedom and revolution, of peace and life, that will lead the people of the world to the end of all oppressions. This is one aspect of the life and work of Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose.

 

2. A MAN OF THOUGHT

There is the other side of the river. ‘In fact, the people of India and also of the world have known Subhas Chandra as a great leader and organiser, but most of them are not aware that he as also a political thinker of high stature with many uniqueness, if not a system builder in the strict sense of the term. His ideas are so comprehensive and coherent in character, that these could easily be developed as a system if his ‘life of action’ had not been given top priority.

What he advocated during 1920‘s. 30‘s and 40‘s; regarding the meaning and expression of socialism, regarding the character of revolution, regarding the ways for achieving socialism and build up national economy, also regarding planning and administrative processes; are so relevant even today that these ideas and thought can enable the people of India to come across their solitary life and build up a new India. For last six decades and more, the political history of India proves Gandhism as a complete failure. Nehruism as a complete impractical and rather destructive approach. and the leftism of absolute Marxist ideas as an idle workshop of irrational political theoreticians. In fact, now there prevails a vacuum in the ideological sphere of the Indian polity, which is the prime source of social and political instability, the root of economic starvation, the cause of moral and ethical bankruptcy, and of mass frustration. At this juncture, the only way will be Netaji’s philosophical ideas, political thought and his formulated programme, for the survival of the people of India. Today the people of India should have one single slogan :  Build up India in Netaji’s way.

 

3. FOOTPRINTS OF THE LIFE

Subhas Chandra Bose was born on 23 January 1897, at Cuttack, Orissa. In 1909 he was sent to Ravenshaw Collegiate School. In 1913 he passed Matriculation Examination and packed off to Calcutta for higher studies at Presidency College. In 1919 he sailed for England for appearing ICS Examination. While studying on Bismark, Mazzini, Gariboldi and others, he became a student of European history and international affairs.He was deeply influenced by the Bolshevik Revolution of 1917 in Russia and the ideal of socialism. He came with close ideas and admiration to three events of the contemporary period a the Resurrection Movement of Italy, b. the liberation activity of the Irish leader De Valera, c. the insurrection of modern Turkey by Kamal Pasha.

Baptized with the flame of patriotism and sacrifice, he left Civil Service in May 1921, returned to Mumbai on 16 July 1921. He first met Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi, the leader of Indian National Congress, and asked about the plans and programme for the freedom struggle of the country which he had thought for. But Gandhi’s reply was a great disappointment for him, and found no concrete basis for the strategy of future struggle. Subhas Chandra came to Calcutta, met Chitta Ranjan Das, one of the most prominent leader of the time, and joined Indian National Congress with the participation in the anti-imperialist struggle against British Rule.

In 1922, Subhas Chandra was invited among other Indians to join the 4th Congress of the Communist International, but he was barred by the Government.

In 1923 he became the chief organiser of Youth League, and in 1924 a trade union leader. In this year he became Secretary of the Bengal Provincial Congress.

In October 1924 Subhas Chandra was arrested, was sent to Mandalay Jail of Mayanmar. In late 1926, having in prison, he was elected member of the Bengal Legislative Council. In May 1927 he was released. In December of that year he waschosen one of the General Secretaries of the Indian National Congress, at its Madras Session.

In 1928, at Calcutta Session of Indian National Congress, he raised the demand of ‘Complete Independence’, which was discarded by Gandhi and others, but subsequently. the demand came to a resolution in the next 1929 Congress Session. Subhas Chandra became frustrated with the ‘no action’ attitude of the Congress leadership. He and other left-minded leaders formed Congress Democratic Party within Indian National Congress in 1929.

In January 1930 Subhas Chandra was prisoned for one year, and again in 1931.From January 1932 to March 1933 he was in detention without trial. He became ill and went to Vienna for gaining his health. In 1934, while in Vienna, he wrote ‘The Indian Struggle’, which is considered as the most authentic analysis of the Congress party’s compromising policy, constitutional movement and its contradictions. He arrived Mumbai in April 1936, from Vienna, and was arrested further.

Despite of all opposition from the Rightists, Subhas Chandra was elected Congress President in 1938, and re-elected in 1939 by defeating Gandhi’s own nominee. When in his Presidential address at Haripura in 1938 he had drawn the outline for developing an Independent India of the future through a complete socio-economic planning, then in his address at Tripuri Session in 1939 he made the historic proposal that the Congress should give an ultimatum to the British Government demanding independence within six months and should simultaneously prepare for the final battle for freedom. But his proposal was bitterly opposed by the Rightists who were inclined to take the path of collaboration with the ruling power. He was curbed with all his powers, was imposed by so many terms and conditions that his positional authority became collapsed. It was the period when confrontation between Subhas Chandra and M. K. Gandhi rose to the highest level, and in consequence, Subhas Chandra resigned from Congress Presidentship on 29 April 1939. But he continued his own course of action. In retaliation, Bengal Provincial Congress Committee headed by him was suspended by the Congress High-command, and he was expelled from the party. But his approach, his arguments, and mass support towards his stand remained unabated. Subhas Chandra announced the Formation of Forward Bloc at a a public meeting in Calcutta on 3 May 1939. Then it became imminent to constitute Forward Bloc with a definite process, and on 22 June 1939 First All India Session of Forward Bloc held in Mumbai.

The prime contradiction between two powers. Subhas and Gandhites, i.e. between Leftists and the Rightists, at that time, was basically a contradiction between compromise and anti-compromise, between constitutionalism and revolutionary means. And thus. Subhas Chandra Bose, his image, became the symbol of revolutionary leftism in India. In March 1940 there was held a Congress Session at Ramgarh of Bihar. Subhas Chandra, on the same date and venue convened a parallel anti-compromise conference, which challenged Congress leadership about their sincerity towards the people of the country and their integrity for achieving unconditional independence, the parallel conference completely washed away the Congress Session. Subhas Chandra, through this Anti-compromise Conference, practically, tied the workers and peasants of the country with one single equation and made a platform to combat the right-wing and reactionery forces. To consolidate the countrywide movement through a party discipline the First All India Conference of All India Forward Bloc was held in Nagpur. from 18 to 22 June, 1940, under his Presidentship. Here Forward Bloc was declared as a Socialist party.

Immediately after, on 2 July, 1940 Subhas Chandra was arrested and was interned in his house. During the period he made up his mind that he had to leave the country, and start freedom war from abroad, otherwise he would lose his dynamism by the process of arrests and confinements. And subsequently, it would be difficult to save militancy and moral height of the people from the rightist aggression. On 17 January 1941 Subhas Chandra escaped from his internment, and opened a new chapter of India’s history.

Subhas Chandra crossed the frontier and arrived at Kabul, Afghanistan. He triedto contact with Soviet Union, but failed. Afterwards, with the help of Italian Embassy there, having a passport of Italian citizen Orlando Mazzota, he started journey for Russian frontier. On 28 March 1941 he arrived at Berlin, through Moscow. In Berlin he formed Free India Centre and Azad Hind Radio, which were his first ventures towards liberated India. Indian Legion, an army, was the another step. And then, he became ‘Netaji’, i.e. the leader, as named by his followers there.

Subhas Chandra realised that his base camp would definitely be South East Asia,and not Europe, for crawling towards the homeland. It will be more convenient to intrude into the eastern India, rather than crossing the western frontier. Therefore, after detailed planning and lot of talks with the German and Japaneese authorities and the Indian Independence League which worked for the same cause in South East Asia, Netaji arrived in Tokyo on 16 May 1943. It was a long day’s journey by a submarine. through a number of seas, most dangerous and adventuristic that the people of the world have had ever seen. There held a discussion, in Tokyo, between Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose and Japan Prime Minister Tojo on June 1943. Tojo approached unconditional support to Netaji. On 4 July 1943 Netaji took charge of Indian Independence League, and on the next day, 5 July 1943, he took charge of the Supreme Command of Indian National Army, which was formed in 1941. In July of the same year Netaji arrived in South East Asia, and on 21 October 1943 he declared the formation of the Provisional Government of Free India, i.e. Azad Hind, or the Ajzd Hind Government. On 24 October 1943 Azad Hind Government declared war on Great Britain and United States of America.

On 16 December 1943 Andaman and Nicober Islands were handed over to Azad Hind Government by Japan. On 3 April 1944 Indian National Army crossed Kohima- Imphal Road, and on 7 May Indian National Army occupied the British-Indian territory. But due to tremendous natural calamities and disconnection of supply lines Indian National Army retreated in 1945. Netaji in his last address to the soldiers of INA, to the officials of his Government, and to the Indians residing in East and South East Asis gave the call to carry on war until freedom was achieved. On 16 August 1945 he left Singapore for Bangkok. On 17 August 1945 he left Bangkok with only five of his lieutenants and reached Saigon. On the same day he arrived Tourane of French Indo- China with only one of his aide. On 18 August 1945 he arrived at Taihoku (Taipeh) in Formosa, and then he started his journey for some unknown destination. It is said that, just after the plane had taken off, the plane fell into accident and crushed. But no convincing document or alibi had yet been found to prove it true. Rather, number of documents are coming out into surface which resembles Netaji’s arrival in Manchuria with all surety, and then in Soviet Union, for the preparation of next phase of war.

The mystery of the disappearance of Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose is perhaps the most mysterious chapter in the political history of the world, particularly in relation to liberation movement. And perhaps this is the biggest political mystery in the history of the world, not for ‘Disappearance’ only, but for some more other reasons which are absolutely political.

 

4. STILL ALIVE AMONG MILLIONS

The people of India, and of the world, did not put their slightest belief in the news of Netaji’s death. Mass demand rose from all corners of the country for enquiry by a commission. The new Government of independent India virtually rejected the demand officially. But the thrust of mass action compelled Prime Minister Mr. Jawaharlal Nehru to declare the formation of an Inquiry Committee, on 5 April 1956, headed by Shah Nawaj Khan, one of Netaji’s last five lieutenants. The Committee handed over its report to the Prime Minister on 3 August 1956. The report supported the official version about Netaji’s disappearance. i.e. death. But the people of the country completely discarded the report and branded the view of the Committee as motivated and pre-determined. The Government got afraid to place the report in the lower house of the Parliament. And the mass dissatisfaction laid all over the country.

The Government found no other way but to form an another Commission of Inquiry, on 11 July 1970, headed by retired Chief Justice of Punjab High Court G. D. Khosla. The Commission submitted its report on 30 June 1974, which was simply a copy of the earlier, and full of political intentions. It fell into the same way that happened to the earlier Committee, by distrust and rejection. Ultimately, the then Prime Minister of India Morarji Desai, participating in a debate in Parliament, declared that, reasonable doubts have been cast on the correctness of the conclusions reached in the two reports and various important contradictions in the testimony of witnesses have been noticed. Some further contemporary official documentary records have also become available. In the light of these doubts and contradictions and those records, Government find it difficult to accept that the earlier conclusions are decisive. At the same time, Government feels that no useful purpose would be served by having further enquiry.

This is also an unprecedented incident, the world has so far seen, that the Government himself is tearing off its own report reconsidering it as a blatant lie. But the Government could not escape from the original demand, for a fresh enquiry, which was repeatedly aroused by Forward Bloc with overwhelming support of the people. The Government headed by Atal Behari Vajpayee ultimately succumbed to the pressure, and declared a Commission for a fresh enquiry on the mysterious disappearance of Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose, on 25 March, 1999.

People is not curious whether Netaji is physically alive or not, because a period of more than a century of his age makes it impractical. But they like to know what happened with Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose, after 18 August 1945, because it is a political phenomenon, a part of the political history of India. The announcement of the third Enquiry Commission, therefore, is a victory of Forward Bloc, victory of the people of India, because of the fact that Netaji is still alive in the minds of millions of Indian. He is the Patriot of all patriots, the only source of inspiration of toiling masses. the hymn of freedom for the bonded people, and the sky for a world free of oppression and exploitation.

 

5. NETAJI’S POLITICAL THOUGHTS & IDEAS

Since joining the freedom movement of the country, in 1921, Subhas Chandra Bose has been speaking in clear terms in support of socialism. His ideas on socialism are important and still relevant in the present context of the political situation in India and abroad.

1. Delivering the Presidential address at the All India Trade Union Congress in Calcutta, on 4 July 1931, Subhas Chandra said:

 ‘I have no doubt in my own mind that the salvation of India, as of the world, depends on socialism. India should learn from and profit by the experience of other nations but India should be able to evolve her own methods in keeping with her own needs and her own environment. In applying any theory to practice, you can never rule out geography or history. If you attempt it, you are bound to fail. India should, therefore, evolve her own form of socialism. When the whole world is engaged in socialistic experiments, why should we not do the same? It may be that the form of socialism which India will evolve will have something new and original about it which will be of benefit to the whole world.’

 

1. In his Presidential address delivered at the fifty-first session of the Indian National Congress at Haripura, on 19 February 1938, Subhas Chandra said:

‘Socialist programme is necessary to prepare the country for socialism when political freedom has been won.’

 

1. In an interview with R. Palme Dutt, published in the Daily Worker, London, on January 1938, Subhas Chandra said:

‘We in India wanted our national freedom, and having won it, we wanted to move in the direction of Socialism ….. am quite satisfied that communism, as it has been expressed in the writings of Marx and Lenin and in the official statements of policy of the Communist International, gives full support to the struggle for national independence and recognises this as an integral part of its world outlook.’

 

1. In his famous thesis, entitled ‘Forward Bloc: Its Justification’, Subhas Chandra wrote:

‘After the attainment of political independence, Leftism will mean Socialism and the task before the people will then be the reconstruction of national life on a socialist basis.’

 

1944. In his address delivered before the students at the Imperial University, Tokyo, in November 1944. Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose dealing with the methods of solving the fundamental problems of India, categorically said:

‘ … we cannot leave it to private initiative to solve these national problems, especially the economic problem. If it leave it to private initiative to solve the problem of poverty and unemployment, for instance, it will probably take centuries. Therefore, public opinion in India is in favour of some sort of socialist system, in which the initiative will not be left to private individuals, but the State will take over the responsibility for solving economic questions. Whether it is a question of industrializing the country or modernising agriculture, we want the State to step in and take over the responsibility and put through reforms within a short period, so that the Indian people could be put on their legs at a very early date. But in solving this problem, we want to work in our own way. We will naturally study experiments made in other countries but, after all, we have to solve our problems in an Indian way and under Indian conditions. Therefore, the system that will ultimately set up will be Indian system to suit the needs of the Indian people.’

 

6. NETAJI’S ECONOMIC THOUGHTS & IDEAS

 

1. In his Presidential address at Haripura, in 1938, Subhas Chandra said:

The very first thing which our future National Government will have to do would be to set up a Commission for drawing up a comprehensive plan of reconstruction. This plan will have two parts an immediate programme and a long period programme. In drawing up the first part, the immediate objectives which have to be kept in view will be three-fold-first, to prepare the country for self-sacrifice; secondly, to unify India; and thirdly, to give scope for local and cultural autonomy.

 

1. And further said he :

 

1. A new industrial system will have to be built up in a place of old one which has collapsed as a result of mass production abroad and alien rule at home. 2. The Planning Commission will have to carefully consider and decide which of the home industries could be revived despite the competition of modern factories and in which sphere large scale production should be encouraged. 3. We should reconcile ourselves to industrialisation and devise means to minimise its evil and at the same time explore the possibilities of reviving cottage industries where there is a possibility of their surviving the inevitable competion of factories.

 

1. As the Congress President, on 13 May 1938, he convened a conference of the Premiers of the seven Congress-ruled provinces to discuss the procedures of development for the country and the people. A comprehensive resolution was taken on the appointment of an inter-provincial experts’ committee to collect data for the purpose of national reconstruction and social planning.

 

1.   In July 1938, when Subhas Chandra briefed in detail his thinking on economic policy and planning before the Congress Working Committee, it was resolved that Subhas Chandra would convene a conference of Ministers of Industries and would call for a report of the existing industries in different provinces and the needs and possibilities of new ones.

 

1938. This conference, held on 2 to 5 October 1938, resolved for setting up some particular industries, viz. machine and machine parts, motor car, motor boats, transport and communication related matters, electrical goods, chemical and fertilisers, metal and power supply. The meeting also deputed a ‘Planning Committee’ as proposed by Subhas Chandra, and suggested for having a Committee at the national level, with the name, All India National Planning Commission. Seven definite proposals as the outline of the task of the Committee were drawn by him also. And then Subhas Chandra declared the formation of Planning Committee with its first session on 17 December 1938.

 

1. On 21 August 1938, Subhas Chandra in an interview with Dr. Meghnad Saha explained his thought in more detail:
2. Though from the industrial point of view the world is one unit, we should

nevertheless aim at national autonomy, especially in the field of our principal needs and requirements.

2. We should adopt a policy aiming at the growth and development of the mother industries, viz. power supply, metal production, machine and tool manufacture. manufacture of essential chemicals, transport and communication industries etc.
3. We should also tackle the problem of technical education and technical research. So far as technical education is concerned, as in the case of Japanese students, our students should be sent abroad for training in accordance with a clear and definite plan so that as soon as they return home, they may proceed straightway to build up new industries. So far as technical research is concerned, we shall all agree that it should be free from governmental control of every kind. It is only in this unfortunate country that government servants are entrusted with scientific research on receipt of princely salaries and we know very well what results have been obtained therefrom.
4. There should be a permanent National Research Council.
5. Lastly, as a preliminary step towards national planning, there should be an economic survey of the present industrial position with a view to securing the necessary data for the National Planning Commission.

 

1. In the same interview he further said:

Professor Saha has in the course of his illuminating address, asked me what the attitude of the Congress is towards the problem of industrialisation. I must say that all Congressmen do not hold the same view on this question. Nevertheless, I may say without any exaggeration that the rising generation are in favour of industrialisation and for several reasons. Firstly, industrialisation is necessary for solving the problem of unemployment. Though scientific agriculture will increase the production of the land, if food is to be given to every man and woman, a good portion of the population will have to be transferred from land to industry. Secondly, the rising generation are now thinking in terms of Socialism as the basis of national reconstruction and Socialism presupposes industrialisation. Thirdly, industrialisation is necessary if we have to compete with foreign industries. Lastly, industrialisation is necessary for improving the standard of living of the people at large.

 

This is to note, apart from the conflict on political ideology and the process of action, the question of industrialisation was the prime point of contradiction for Subhas Chandra with the Right-wingers.