All India Forward Bloc

Signed editorial by Subhas Chandra Bose in the Forward Bloc,

the organ of the newly formed party Forward Bloc, dated 12 August 1939

After a number of preliminary skirmishes, the left-wing under the leadership of Mahatma Gandhi succeeded in capturing the Indian National Congress in 1920. That was the signal for several of the erstwhile leaders like Messrs. Jinnah, B. C. Pal and B. Chakravarti to walk out of the Congress. The left-wing became the dominant party in the Congress and for a time commanded an overwhelming majority. With the suspension of the Civil Disobedience Movement in 1922, a rift occurred within the majority party and, over the issue of carrying the fight into the Legislatures, it split into two groups – the Swarajists and the No-changers. After a time the differences were made up through the Congress accepting the Swarajist plan of extending the fighting front to the Legislatures.

With the publication of the Nehru Committee’s Report in 1928, in which the majority of the members advocated a Constitution for India based on Dominion Status, a left-wing emerged in the form of the Independence League. At the annual session of the Congress held in Clacutta in December, 1928, the members of the League endeavoured but failed to induce the Congress to alter its creed so that Independence would be declared in unmistakable language to be the goal of the Congress. The opposition to this move came from the main body in the Congress led by Mahatma Gandhi. The conflict with the Independence League went on for a year, till at the Lahore session of the Congress held in December, 1929, the Congress at the instance of Mahatmaji, adopted Independence as its goal.

This compromise enabled all sections in the Congress to join hands and march shoulder to shoulder in the Civil Disobedience Campaign which was launched in 1930.

The suspension of the struggle in 1933 and the adoption of a parliamentary programme by the All-India Congress Committee in 1934 provoked a revolt from the Left. The Congress Socialist Party then came into existence and, thanks to its timely appearance and its dynamic activity, the drift towards Constitutionalism was checked to a large extent. The Congress Socialist Party soon became the rallying-centre for the leftist elements in the Congress.

From 1934 to 1937, the Congress Socialist Party made considerable headway both in numbers and influence. But in 1938, at the Haripura Session of the Congress held in February, it was found that the C. S. P. was no longer forging ahead. In my Presidential Address at the Haripura Congress, I observed that the role of the C. S. P. within the Congress should be anti-imperialist left-wing role and not a Socialist role and only by playing the former role, would it continue to make headway.

Socialist and Communist friends with whom this matter was discussed after the Haripura Congress agreed with this view. It was generally felt that all progressive. radical and anti-imperialist elements in the Congress, who might not be ready to join the Socialist or Communist Party, should be organised on the basis of a common minimum programme. I felt, further, that only by that means could the onslaught of the Right be resisted and the soil prepared for the growth of a Marxist Party.

The Gandhi Seva Sangh, which may be regarded as the ‘steel frame’ of the present majority party (or Gandhi Party) in the Congress, held an important Conference at Delang, in Orissa, in March. 1938. At this Conference the Gandhi Seva Sangh decided to launch an offensive against the Left. The Sangh decided, among other things, to send its agents into the labour field with a view to ousting those trade-unionists who stood for a class-conscious trade-union movement in this country. It decided also to depute its prominent members to capture provincial and other Congress organisations in the country.

The parliamentary programme adopted by the All India Congress Committee in 1934 found its culmination in the acceptance of ministerial office in the provinces in 1937. This enabled the Right-wing to so consolidate its position and strengthen its influence and prestige as to launch an offensive against the Left in 1938. Against this determined attack, the Left could hope to preserve its existence, only if it were consciously organised and disciplined.

If all the progressive, radical and anti-imperialist elements in the Congress had rallied together on the platform of the Congress Socialist Party, then matters would have been greatly simplified. But this did not happen. Because of this, the idea of a Left Bloc for organising all the left elements on the basis of a common minimum programme was mooted after the Haripura Congress. If the existing Leftist Parties had undertaken the responsibility of developing the Left Bloc (now renamed as the Forward Bloc)–then the task of Left-consolidation would by now have proceeded apace.

But though individuals or groups may fail us, the cause cannot be allowed to suffer to be neglected. Hence the Forward Bloc has been formed with such left elements as are now available. There is no doubt that the Bloc will grow and expand with unprecedented rapidity. despite the many obstacles that beset its path. And the time will soon come when even those who are hesitating to join today, will shake off their vacillation and take plunge. Left-consolidation, winning over the majority in the Congress, and resumption of the national struggle– these represent the three- fold task before the Forward Bloc and before the Left in the Congress. Let those who criticise us or pick holes produce a better alternative. We shall not hesitate to accept it. We are afraid, however, that no other alternative is possible.

The Congress has to be saved from the clutches of the Right which has given up the idea of a struggle and is now thinking in terms of Constitutionalism and Reformism. Only the Left can preserve the revolutionary character of the Congress and bring about an early resumption of the fight for national freedom.

Today, in certain quarters, the word ‘Socialism’ has become cheap. One can even find Socialists in some provinces who are the henchmen of the Ministers. Let us therefore beware of Rightists who masquerade in the cloak of Socialism. What is wanted is deeds not words. Genuine Socialists must play an anti-imperialist left-wing role in their day to day activity. Uttering leftist slogans and making spicy speeches will not suffice by themselves.

Forward Bloc will rally all progressive, radical and anti-imperialist elements in the Congress, whether they be Socialists or not. Through this consolidation, the people will equip themselves for the anti-imperialist struggle that will bring India her birthright of liberty. But the attainment of political Independence will not mean the dissolution of the Bloc. It will only mean a new phase in its life and activity. And that phase will undoubtedly be a Socialist one.

PART – 1

NETAJI SUBHAS CHANDRA BOSE

1. A MAN OF FIRE

Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose is a name which glitters with glory in the history of the freedom movements of the world. He was an outstanding leader of the entire South and South East Asia which was trembled with movements, revolts and freedom wars from one corner to the other, during the Second World War. deeply inherited with the aspiration of Independence. He became a leader, not of one nation or two, but of the whole Asian continent, when he built up a Provisional Government in exile, and an army of its own, and declared war against Great Britain and other imperialist powers. It is beyond of any comparison with any incident, but it is above all examples that the world have foreseen; and it will perhaps be the only story of fire, of patriotism and bravery, of freedom and revolution, of peace and life, that will lead the people of the world to the end of all oppressions. This is one aspect of the life and work of Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose.

2. A MAN OF THOUGHT

There is the other side of the river. ‘In fact, the people of India and also of the world have known Subhas Chandra as a great leader and organiser, but most of them are not aware that he as also a political thinker of high stature with many uniqueness, if not a system builder in the strict sense of the term. His ideas are so comprehensive and coherent in character, that these could easily be developed as a system if his ‘life of action’ had not been given top priority.

             What he advocated during 1920‘s. 30‘s and 40‘s; regarding the meaning and expression of socialism, regarding the character of revolution, regarding the ways for achieving socialism and build up national economy, also regarding planning and administrative processes; are so relevant even today that these ideas and thought can enable the people of India to come across their solitary life and build up a new India. For last six decades and more, the political history of India proves Gandhism as a complete failure. Nehruism as a complete impractical and rather destructive approach. and the leftism of absolute Marxist ideas as an idle workshop of irrational political theoreticians. In fact, now there prevails a vacuum in the ideological sphere of the Indian polity, which is the prime source of social and political instability, the root of economic starvation, the cause of moral and ethical bankruptcy, and of mass frustration. At this juncture, the only way will be Netaji’s philosophical ideas, political thought and his formulated programme, for the survival of the people of India. Today the people of India should have one single slogan :  Build up India in Netaji’s way.

3. FOOTPRINTS OF THE LIFE

Subhas Chandra Bose was born on 23 January 1897, at Cuttack, Orissa. In 1909 he was sent to Ravenshaw Collegiate School. In 1913he passed Matriculation Examination and packed off to Calcutta for higher studies at Presidency College. In 1919he sailed for England for appearing ICS Examination. While studying on Bismark, Mazzini, Gariboldi and others, he became a student of European history and international affairs.He was deeply influenced by the Bolshevik Revolution of 1917 in Russia and the ideal of socialism. He came with close ideas and admiration to three events of the contemporary period a the Resurrection Movement of Italy, b. the liberation activity of the Irish leader De Valera, c. the insurrection of modern Turkey by Kamal Pasha.

            Baptized with the flame of patriotism and sacrifice, he left Civil Service in May 1921, returned to Mumbai on 16 July 1921. He first met Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi, the leader of Indian National Congress, and asked about the plans and programme for the freedom struggle of the country which he had thought for. But Gandhi’s reply was a great disappointment for him, and found no concrete basis for the strategy of future struggle. Subhas Chandra came to Calcutta, met Chitta Ranjan Das, one of the most prominent leader of the time, and joined Indian National Congress with the participation in the anti-imperialist struggle against British Rule.

            In 1922, Subhas Chandra was invited among other Indians to join the 4th Congress of the Communist International, but he was barred by the Government.

            In 1923he became the chief organiser of Youth League, and in 1924 a trade union leader. In this year he became Secretary of the Bengal Provincial Congress.

            In October 1924 Subhas Chandra was arrested, was sent to Mandalay Jail of Mayanmar. In late 1926, having in prison, he was elected member of the Bengal Legislative Council. In May 1927 he was released. In December of that year he waschosen one of the General Secretaries of the Indian National Congress, at its Madras Session.

            In 1928, at Calcutta Session of Indian National Congress, he raised the demand of ‘Complete Independence’, which was discarded by Gandhi and others, but subsequently. the demand came to a resolution in the next 1929 Congress Session. Subhas Chandra became frustrated with the ‘no action’ attitude of the Congress leadership. He and other left-minded leaders formed Congress Democratic Party within Indian National Congress in 1929.

            In January 1930 Subhas Chandra was prisoned for one year, and again in 1931.From January 1932 to March 1933 he was in detention without trial. He became ill and went to Vienna for gaining his health. In 1934, while in Vienna, he wrote ‘The Indian Struggle’, which is considered as the most authentic analysis of the Congress party’s compromising policy, constitutional movement and its contradictions. He arrived Mumbai in April 1936, from Vienna, and was arrested further.

            Despite of all opposition from the Rightists, Subhas Chandra was elected Congress President in 1938, and re-elected in 1939 by defeating Gandhi’s own nominee. When in his Presidential address at Haripura in 1938 he had drawn the outline for developing an Independent India of the future through a complete socio-economic planning, then in his address at Tripuri Session in 1939he made the historic proposal that the Congress should give an ultimatum to the British Government demanding independence within six months and should simultaneously prepare for the final battle for freedom. But his proposal was bitterly opposed by the Rightists who were inclined to take the path of collaboration with the ruling power. He was curbed with all his powers, was imposed by so many terms and conditions that his positional authority became collapsed. It was the period when confrontation between Subhas Chandra and M. K. Gandhi rose to the highest level, and in consequence, Subhas Chandra resigned from Congress Presidentship on 29 April 1939. But he continued his own course of action. In retaliation, Bengal Provincial Congress Committee headed by him was suspended by the Congress High-command, and he was expelled from the party. But his approach, his arguments, and mass support towards his stand remained unabated. Subhas Chandra announced the Formation of Forward Bloc at a a public meeting in Calcutta on 3May 1939. Then it became imminent to constitute Forward Bloc with a definite process, and on 22 June 1939 First All India Session of Forward Bloc held in Mumbai.

            The prime contradiction between two powers. Subhas and Gandhites, i.e. between Leftists and the Rightists, at that time, was basically a contradiction between compromise and anti-compromise, between constitutionalism and revolutionary means. And thus. Subhas Chandra Bose, his image, became the symbol of revolutionary leftism  in India. In March 1940there was held a Congress Session at Ramgarh of Bihar. Subhas Chandra, on the same date and venue convened a parallel anti-compromise conference, which challenged Congress leadership about their sincerity towards the people of the country and their integrity for achieving unconditional independence, The parallel conference completely washed away the Congress Session. Subhas Chandra, through this Anti-compromise Conference, practically, tied the workers and peasants of the country with one single equation and made a platform to combat the right-wing and reactionery forces. To consolidate the countrywide movement through a party discipline the First All India Conference of All India Forward Bloc was held in Nagpur. from 18to 22 June, 1940, under his Presidentship. Here Forward Bloc was declared as a Socialist party.

            Immediately after, on 2 July, 1940 Subhas Chandra was arrested and was interned in his house. During the period he made up his mind that he had to leave the country, and start freedom war from abroad, otherwise he would loose his dynamism by the process of arrests and confinements. And subsequently, it would be difficult to save militancy and moral height of the people from the rightist aggression. On 17January 1941 Subhas Chandra escaped from his internment, and opened a new chapter of India’s history.

            Subhas Chandra crossed the frontier and arrived at Kabul, Afghanistan. He triedto contact with Soviet Union, but failed. Afterwards, with the help of Italian Embassy there, having a passport of Italian citizen Orlando Mazzota, he started journey for Russian frontier. On 28 March 1941 he arrived at Berlin, through Moscow. In Berlin he formed Free India Centre and Azad Hind Radio, which were his first ventures towards liberated India. Indian Legion, an army, was the another step. And then, he became ‘Netaji’, i.e. the leader, as named by his followers there.

            Subhas Chandra realised that his base camp would definitely be South East Asia,and not Europe, for crawling towards the homeland. It will be more convenient to intrude into the eastern India, rather than crossing the western frontier. Therefore, after detailed planning and lot of talks with the German and Japaneese authorities and the Indian Independence League which worked for the same cause in South East Asia, Netaji arrived in Tokyo on 16 May 1943. It was a long days journey by a submarine. through a number of seas, most dangerous and adventuristic that the people of the world have had ever seen. There held a discussion, in Tokyo, between Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose and Japan Prime Minister Tojo on June 1943. Tojo approached unconditional support to Netaji. On 4July 1943 Netaji took charge of Indian Independence League, and on the next day, 5 July 1943, he took charge of the Supreme Command of Indian National Army, which was formed in 1941. In July of the same year Netaji arrived in South East Asia, and on 21October 1943 he declared the formation of the Provisional Government of Free India, i.e. Azad Hind, or the Ajzd Hind Government. On 24 October 1943 Azad Hind Government declared war on Great Britain and United States of America.

            On 16 December 1943Andaman and Nicober Islands were handed over to Azad Hind Government by Japan. On 3 April 1944 Indian National Army crossed Kohima- Imphal Road, and on 7 May Indian National Army occupied the British-Indian territory. But due to tremendous natural calamities and disconnection of supply lines Indian National Army retreated in 1945. Netaji in his last address to the soldiers of INA, to the officials of his Government, and to the Indians residing in East and South East Asis gave the call to carry on war until freedom was achieved. On 16 August 1945 he left Singapore for Bangkok. On 17 August 1945 he left Bangkok with only five of his lieutenants and reached Saigon. On the same day he arrived Tourane of French Indo- China with only one of his aide. On 18August 1945 he arrived at Taihoku (Taipeh) in Formosa, and then he started his journey for some unknown destination. It is said that, just after the plane had taken off, the plane fell into accident and crushed. But no convincing document or aliby had yet been found to prove it true. Rather, number of documents are coming out into surface which resembles Netaji’s arrival in Manchuria with all sureity, and then in Soviet Union, for the prepararion of next phase of war.

            The mystery of the disappearance of Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose is perhaps the most musterious chapter in the political history of the world, particularly in relation to liberation movement. And perhaps this is the biggest political mystery in the history of the world, not for ‘Disappearance’ only, but for some more other reasons which are absolutely political.

4. STILL ALIVE AMONG MILLIONS

The people of India, and of the world, did not put their slightest belief in the news of Netaji’s death. Mass demand rose from all corners of the country for enquiry by a commission. The new Government of independent India virtually rejected the demand officially. But the thrust of mass action compelled Prime Minister Mr. Jawaharlal Nehru to declare the formation of an Inquiry Committee, on 5 April 1956, headed by Shah Nawaj Khan, one of Netaji’s last five lieutenants. The Committee handed over its report to the Prime Minister on 3August 1956. The report supported the official version about Netaji’s disappearance. i.e. death. But the people of the country completely discarded the report and branded the view of the Committee as motivated and pre-determined. The Government got afraid to place the report in the lower house of the Parliament. And the mass dissatisfaction laid all over the country.

            The Government found no other way but to form an another Commission of Inquiry, on 11 July 1970, headed by retired Chief Justice of Punjab High Court G. D. Khosla. The Commission submitted its report on 30June 1974, which was simply a copy of the earlier, and full of political intentions. It fell into the same way that happened to the earlier Committee, by distrust and rejection. Ultimately, the then Prime Minister of India Morarji Desai, participating in a debate in Parliament, declared that, reasonable doubts have been cast on the correctness of the conclusions reached in the two reports and various important contradictions in the testimony of witnesses have been noticed. Some further contemporary official documentary records have also become available. In the light of these doubts and contradictions and those records, Government find it difficult to accept that the earlier conclusions are decisive. At the same time, Government feels that no useful purpose would be served by having further enquiry.

             This is also an unprecedented incident, the world has so far seen, that the Government himself is tearing off its own report reconsidering it as a blatant lie. But the Government could not escape from the original demand, for a fresh enquiry, which was repeatedly aroused by Forward Bloc with overwhelmning support of the people. The Government headed by Atal Behari Vajpayee ultimately succumbed to the preassure, and declared a Commission for a fresh enquiry on the mysterious disappearance of Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose, on 25 March, 1999.

            People is not curious whether Netaji is physically alive or not, because a period of more than a century of his age makes it impractical. But they like to know what happened with Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose, after 18August 1945, because it is a political phenomenon, a part of the political history of India. The announcement of the third Enquiry Commission, therefore, is a victory of Forward Bloc, victory of the people of India, because of the fact that Netaji is still alive in the minds of millions of Indian. He is the Patriot of all patriots, the only source of inspiration of toiling masses. the hymn of freedom for the bonded people, and the sky for a world free of oppression and exploitation.

5. NETAJI’S POLITICAL THOUGHTS & IDEAS

Since joining the freedom movement of the country, in 1921, Subhas Chandra Bose has been speaking in clear terms in support of socialism. His ideas on socialism are important and still relevant in the present context of the political situation in India and abroad.

            a. Delivering the Presidential address at the All India Trade Union Congress in Calcutta, on 4 July 1931, Subhas Chandra said:

 ‘I have no doubt in my own mind that the salvation of India, as of the world, dependson socialism. India should learn from and profit by the experience of other nations but India should be able to evolve her own methods in keeping with her own needs and her own environment. In applying any theory to practice, you can never rule out geography or history. If you attempt it, you are bound to fail. India should, therefore, evolve her own form of socialism. When the whole world is engaged in socialistic experiments, why should we not do the same? It may be that the form of socialism which India will evolve will have something new and original about it which will be of benefit to the whole world.’

            b. In his Presidential address delivered at the fifty-first session of the Indian National Congress at Haripura, on 19 February 1938, Subhas Chandra said:

‘Socialist programme is necessary to prepare the country for socialism when political freedom has been won.’

            c. In an interview with R. Palme Dutt, published in the Daily Worker, London, on January 1938, Subhas Chandra said:

‘We in India wanted our national freedom, and having won it, we wanted to move in the direction of Socialism ….. am quite satisfied that communism, as it has been expressed in the writings of Marx and Lenin and in the official statements of policy of the Communist International, gives full support to the struggle for national independence and recognises this as an integral part of its world outlook.’

            d. In his famous thesis, entitled ‘Forward Bloc: Its Justification’, Subhas Chandra wrote:

‘After the attainment of political independence, Leftism will mean Socialism and the task before the people will then be the reconstruction of national life on a socialist basis.’

             e. In his address delivered before the students at the Imperial University, Tokyo, in November 1944. Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose dealing with the methods of solving the fundamental problems of India, categorically said:

‘ … we cannot leave it to private initiative to solve these national problems, especially the economic problem. If it leave it to private initiative to solve the problem of poverty and unemployment, for instance, it will probably take centuries. Therefore, public opinion in India is in favour of some sort of socialist system, in which the initiative will not be left to private individuals, but the State will take over the responsibility for solving economic questions. Whether it is a question of industrializing the country or modernising agriculture, we want the State to step in and take over the responsibility and put through reforms within a short period, so that the Indian people could be put on their legs at a very early date. But in solving this problem, we want to work in our own way. We will naturally study experiments made in other countries but, after all, we have to solve our problems in an Indian way and under Indian conditions. Therefore, the system that will ultimately set up will be Indian system to suit the needs of the Indian people.’

6. NETAJI’S ECONOMIC THOUGHTS & IDEAS

a. In his Presidential address at Haripura, in 1938, Subhas Chandra said:

The very first thing which our future National Government will have to do would be to set up a Commission for drawing up a comprehensive plan of reconstruction. This plan will have two parts an immediate programme and a long period programme. In drawing up the first part, the immediate objectives which have to be kept in view will be three-fold-first, to prepare the country for self sacrifice; secondly, to unify India; and thirdly, to give scope for local and cultural autonomy.

            b. And further said he :

1. A new industrial system will have to be built up in a place of old one which has collapsed as a result of mass production abroad and alien rule at home.  2. The Planning Commission will have to carefully consider and decide which of the home industries could be revived despite the competition of modern factories and in which sphere large scale production should be encouraged.  3. We should reconcile ourselves to industrialisation and devise means to minimise its evil and at the same time explore the possibilities of reviving cottage industries where there is a possibility of their surviving the inevitable competion of factories.

            c. As the Congress President, on 13 May 1938, he convened a conference of the Premiers of the seven Congress-ruled provinces to disuss the procedures of development for the country and the people. A comprehensive resolution was taken on the appointment of an inter-provincial experts committee to collect data for the purpose of national reconstruction and social planning.

            d.  In July 1938, when Subhas Chandra briefed in detail his thinking on economic policy and planning before the Congress Working Committee, it was resolved that Subhas Chandra would convene a conference of Ministers of Industries and would call for a report of the existing industries in different provinces and the needs and possibilities of new ones.

            e. This conference, held on 2 to 5October 1938, resolved for setting up some particular industries, viz. machine and machine parts, motor car, motor boats, transport and communication related matters, electrical goods, chemical and fertilisers, metal and power supply. The meeting also deputed a ‘Planning Committee’ as proposed by Subhas Chandra, and suggested for having a Committee at the national level, with the name, All India National Planning Commission. Seven definite proposals as the outline of the task of the Committee were drawn by him also. And then Subhas Chandra declared the formation of Planning Committee with its first session on 17 December 1938.

            f. On 21 August 1938, Subhas Chandra in an interview with Dr. Meghnad Saha explained his thought in more detail:

1.  Though from the industrial point of view the world is one unit, we should

nevertheless aim at national autonomy, especially in the field of our principal needs and requirements.

2.  We should adopt a policy aiming at the growth and development of the mother industries, viz. power supply, metal production, machine and tool manufacture. manufacture of essential chemicals, transport and communication industries etc.

3.  We should also tackle the problem of technical education and technical research. So far as technical education is concerned, as in the case of Japanese students, our students should be sent abroad for training in accordance with a clear and definite plan so that as soon as they return home, they may proceed straightway to build up new industries. So far as technical research is concerned, we shall all agree that it should be free from governmental control of every kind. It is only in this unfortunate country that government servants are entrusted with scientific research on receipt of princely salaries and we know very well what results have been obtained therefrom.

4.  There should be a permanent National Research Council.

5.  Lastly, as a preliminary step towards national planning, there should be an economic survey of the present industrial position with a view to securing the necessary data for the National Planning Commission.

            g. In the same interview he further said:

Professor Saha has in the course of his illuminating address, asked me what the attitude of the Congress is towards the problem of industrialisation. I must say that all Congressmen do not hold the same view on this question. Nevertheless, I may say without any exaggeration that the rising generation are in favour of industrialisation and for several reasons. Firstly, industrialisation is necessary for solving the problem of unemployment. Though scientific agriculture will increase the production of the land, if food is to be given to every man and woman, a good portion of the population will have to be transferred from land to industry. Secondly, the rising generation are now thinking in terms of Socialism as the basis of national reconstruction and Socialism presupposes industrialisation. Thirdly, industrialisation is necessary if we have to compete with foreign industries. Lastly, industrialisation is necessary for improving the standard of living of the people at large.

            This is to note, apart from the conflict on political ideology and the process of action, the question of industrialisation was the prime point of contradiction for Subhas Chandra with the Right-wingers.

1.

Subhas Chandra Bose was re-elected President of the India National Congress for the second time at te Tripuri Session held in 1939 despite concerted opposition of the right wing group headed by Gandhi, Jawharlal Nehru, Ballavbhai Patel and other, who put up Pattabhi Sitaramaiya as their candidate. Subhas was then overwhelmingly supported by the entire left forces within the Congress. In his Presidential address at Tripuri Congress on 10 March, 1939, Bose made the historic proposal that the Congress should give an ultimatum to the British Government demanding independence within six months and should simultaneously prepare for the final battle for freedom. Analysing the prevailing international situation, with the possibility of an imminent world war, Subhas further advocated that it was ‘a rare opportunity in the lifetime of a nation to launch the final struggle for freedom. But his proposal was bitterly opposed by the rightist Gandhi wing, who were rather inclined to take the path of collaboration and conciliation with the ruling power. They made concerted efforts to curb Subhas power and foil all his action programmes. The right wing succeeded in imposing such conditions on the President, through their ‘Pant Proposal’, that he would not be in a position to appoint the National Executive of his choice, and that even if he did, the rightists would make it impossible for him to function. Subhas Chandra didn’t agree to fall prey to their conspiracy and to become a puppet President sticking to power anyhow. So he resigned from the Congress Presidentship and formed the Forward Bloc to consolidate all the left forces within the Congress and to continuue his uncompromising relentless struggle against the British imperialism.

                                                                  2.

Subhas Chandra resigned from Congress Presidentship at the A.I.C.C. Session held at Wellington Square (now renamed as Raja Subodh Mullick Square), Kolkata, on 29 April 1939.

Soon after. on 3 May 1939, Subhas Chandra declared the formation of Forward Bloc. as a left platform within the Congress, at a public meeting held at Sraddhananda Park, Calcutta.

He declared its three-fold objectives as Consolidation of left forces, winning over the majority section of the Congress, and launching the national struggle for freedom. He wrote in his editorial article in ‘Forward Bloc’ weekly, dated 12.8.1939: ‘The Forward Bloc will rally all progressive, radical and anti-imperialist elements. Through this cousolidation, the people will equip themselves for the anti-imperialist struggle that will bring India her birth right of liberty. But the attainment of political independence will not mean the dissolution of the Bloc. It will mean a new phase in its life and activity, and the phase will undoubtedy be a Socialist one.”

For further strengthening the left consolidation with the Congress Socialists, Radical Democrats (led by M. N. Roy) and the National Fronters (or the banned Communists), the First All India Conference of the Forward Bloc was held at Mumbai, formerly Bombay, on 22 June 1939, where the Constitution and programme of the Bloc was adopted. Subhas was then at the forefront of left consolidation.

The second World War broke out on 3 September 1939, as very accurately predicted by Subhas Chandra six months ago. Britain became involved in this War. Bose felt that the much awaited international crisis had arrived and from the platform of Forward Bloc he called upon the people to utilise this golden opportunity emanating from the international situation for launching the final assault on British Imperialism. Unfortunately neither the Gandhi Congress nor the other left parties responded to his call. So Bose went ahead alone under the banner of Forward Bloc with tremendous public support behind him. He addressed hundreds of meetings throughout the length and breadth of the country and created a strong public opinion in support of his call for uncompromising anti-imperalist struggle.

                                                                        3.

A major incident in the history of anti-imperialist left movement in India was the holding of Anti-Compromise Conference at Ramgarh under the Presidentship of Subhas Ch. Bose on 19 March 1940. The pioneer of the Peasants’ movement of India- Swami Sahajananda Saraswati actively participated in this conference as the Chairman of the Reception Committee. This Conference was held parallel to the Congress Session held in an adjoining site, but it succeeded in drawing a much bigger crowd than that of Congress Session. Subhas Chandra in his Presidential address, while defining the characteristics of left movement in India, said: ‘The immediate future will prove to be the acid test of Leftism in India In the present phase of our movement the Leftists will be those who will wage an uncompromising fight with imperialism. In the next phase of our movement Leftism will be synonymous with socialism. Thus giving a clarion call for left unity for furthering the anti-imperialist movement, Subhas Chandra declared in his address: ‘In India we are now ringing down the curtain on an age that is passing away… The age of Imperialism is drawing to a close and the era of freedom. democracy and socialism looms ahead of us. India stands today at one of the crossroads of history. [Ramgarh, 19 March 1940]

Following the spirit of Anti-Compromise Conference, Subhas Chandra gave a call for observing a National Week from 6 to 12 April 1940 throughout the country. In response to the call thousands of Forward Bloc leaders and workers took part in civil disobedience movement and were promptly arrested. In fact, that was the beginning of ‘arrests’ of Forward Bloc members which continued unabatedly throughout the British regime.

Subhas Chandra continued his anti-imperialist movements with untiring zeal. On behalf of the suspended Bengal Provincial Congress Committee and on the initiative of Forward Bloc, a political conference was held at Dacca on 25-26 May 1940, which was presided over by Prof. Jyotish Ch. Ghosh and inaugurated by Subhas Chandra Bose. The well attended conference adopted quite a few far reaching action programmes. including demands for removal of Holwell Monument and release of political prisoners. Prof. Jyotish Ch. Ghosh gave a call for building National Militia’ throughout the country. Perhaps it was the preparatory phase for the future plan of developing I.N.A. as a part of anti-impernalist struggle.

                                                                        4.

To consolidate the countrywide movement through a party discipline, the First Plenary Session of the All India Forward Bloc or the Eirst All India Conference was held at Nagpur from June 18 to 22. 1940, under the Presidentship of Subhas Ch. Bose, where the Forward Bloc was declared as a socialist party. In the history of the Party, 22 June 1940 is therefore regarded as the foundation day of the All India Forward Bloc.

 June 1939 to June 1940, these twelve months was a more rigid experience for Subhas Chandra and Forward Bloc than the earlier period, because of the tremendous opposition and humiliation from the quarters of the rightists in general and the Gandhiites of the Congress. These twelve months were, in fact, a clear acid-test for the national politics and for the uncompromising freedom struggle, for, who were the real leftist and who were not. The Left Consolidation Committee had already get ruined  earlier; the Royists, the Congress Socialists, and even the Communists had deserted the left tent, shattered the left unity, and in fact, took charge to strengthen the hands of the rightists and the reactionaries. All these forces, afterwards, combined and launched a clear and naked attack upon Forward Bloc led by Subhas Chandra and the Kisan Sabha led by Swami Sahajananda Swaraswati, as they were the only leaders who held uncompromising attitude on the question of independence. The twelve months, as mentioned above, was, in fact, a period of number of incidents and a ‘crossroad’ for Subhas Chandra, particularly on the question of identity and the future course of action of the Forward Bloc.

‘Come to Nagpur’, this was the call of Subhas Chandra Bose in a signed article on June 15, 1940 in Forward Bloc, the organ of the party. It was just on the eve of the Conference. ‘What will be the task of the Conference’, Subhas Chandra asked, and replied: ‘No doubt we shall have to do a lot of stock-taking and heart-searching after recapitulating the events of the last twelve months. we shall have to ratify our present policy and programme or modify it, if necessary. But more urgent than that, is the need to determine our policy and programme vis-a-vis the British Government. The struggle launched at Ramgarh in March will have to be intensified and widened in its scope. Simultaneously, we shall have to work for national unity and solidarity. Those two issues will naturally raise a host of questions which will have to be answered satisfactorily.’

This All India Conference of the Forward Bloc held at Nagpur thus came before the people of India not simply as a meeting to gather formally for some paper-resolutions. but to declare the opening of a new chapter of history. Forward Bloc was established as a party, a complete party with a definite ideology and a very definite target. And there. at Nagpur, it was a simple but stormy declaration : ‘All power to the Indian people here, and now. Here lies the history of the struggling people of India for achieving independence, and here a new history is born. In his Presidential Address, Subhas Chandra gave a concrete plan of action for winning Purna Swaraj or Complete Independence in the immediate future. The conference resolved that, in order to win independence for India. and in order to preserve it, as soon as possible the following steps be taken 1. The struggle launched at Ramgarh (March 1940) be intensified locally and further widened in its scope under the slogan ‘All Power To Indian People’. 2. Steps be taken to promote and develop national unity on as many fronts and in as many directions as possible. 3. Measures be adopted for forming Panchayat in every locality, beginning from the village right up to the centre, to function as organs of struggle and later on as organs of administration.

                                                           5.

Being inspired by the party’s Nagpur Session. Forward Bloc started direct movement, firstly, on demand to remove the Holwell Monument which was falsely erected by the Britishers representing the so called ‘Black Hole tragedy to malign the good name ot Sirazuddaulla. Subhas picked up the issue to develop among the people a spirit of commnual harmony, nationalism and hatred towards British imperialism. The Government came down heavilly upon the party workers and arrested Subhas on the eve of the movement, on 2 July 1940. Yet the movement started on 3 July 1940 as announced earlier and continued for days together, with hundreds of people being arrested daily, till the Government was forced to remove the monument from Dalhousie Square, renamed as Binoy Badal Dinesh Bagh, at the centre of Kolkata.

                                                            6.

Being imprisoned for the eleventh time. Subhas then realised that the British Government would not allow him to go beyond the bars till the end of the war. He became impatient with the idea of wasting his days in the prison and thus frustrating the revolutionary possibilities of freeing India through his planned anti- imperialist struggle. So, in November 1940, Bose gave an ultimatum to the Government demanding immediate release, otherwise he would fast unto death. After his fast for a week, the British Government became perturbed aprrehending country-wide reactions and set him free, kept a strict vigil on his movements. But Subhas himself didn’t move out of his residence and during his self-imposed solitary confinement at his bedroom for about forty days Subhas secretly planned a great escape outside India to organise fight for his country’s freedom from outside in a war situation utilising ememy’s enemy powers abroad. On the dead of night of 17 January 1941, he left home secretly. After a thrilling and fearful journey across the country, in desguise of a Pattan, he reached Kabul. From Kabul he went to Germany and Japan and launched war against Britain…

The ‘Great Escape’ of Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose from India opened a new chapter of the political history of the country. Forward Bloc leaders and workers came under sharp torture and humiliation of the British police and its intelligence. The British intelligance was sure that the Forward Bloc leaders had knowledge of their leader’s escape outside India. Because of that vehement oppression started against them and most of the leaders, including Sardu! Singh Kavisher, the acting President of the party, were put to jails. Some other left leaders were also arrested. A huge number of Forward Bloc workers and sympathisers were beyond the bar. Forward Bloc was banned on 23 June 1942, under the new Defence of India Rules (Rule 27 A), i.e. on the ground that it was an organisation of ‘the persons in control of which have had association with persons concerned in the Govt. of States at war with his Majesty. [‘The Transfer of Power’, Vol. VI, pp. 183-188 (1976 ed)]. Thousands of party workers went underground to continue their relentless struggle against British Imperialism.

                                                            7.

Meanwnile Cripps Mission reached Delhi on 23 March 1942 with certain proposals on behalf of British Prime Minister to negotiate with Indian leaders on the question of India’s independence. But eventually the Mission failed mainly for reasons of insincereity of purpose on the part of the British Government (12 April 1942). But the growing urge of the people for a nation-wide anti-imperialist movement, as was rejuvinated by the rebel leader Subhas Chandra Bose in his Tripuri – Ramgarh – Nagpur proposals, ultimately forced Gandhi to take to action by givng call for Quit India’ movement that started from 9 August 1942. Once the movement started, it spread like wild fire throughout India and was no more confined within the so called Gandhi non- violence path. People took to path of direct action and arms revolt, with strategy of guerilla warfare’ in many places, as was advocated by Netaji through his radio broadcasts from abroad.

The Forward Bloc. although banned, played its revolutionary role to crown the struggle of the people with succes and glory. Netaji’s moving slogans ‘All Power to the Indian People’ and ‘Establishment of Workers & Peasants Panchayat Raj have always been the motivating forces behind the activity of the left forces. Forward Bloc workers, along with the radical Congress workers and the Socialists and other left forces, excepting the communists, took part in the historic 42 Movement which was one of the biggest revolutionary mass movement after the 1857 Great Revolt. Among the Forward Bloc leaders during the forties the noted few were Jyotish Ch. Ghosh. Hemchandra Ghosh, Purnachandra Das, Satyaranjan Bakshi, Asrafuddin Ahmad Chowdhury, Lila Ray, Anil Ray, Harendra Nath Ghosh, Hemanta Kumar Basu, Amar Basu, Satyapriya Banerjee, Panna Mitra, Deven Dey, Panchanan Chakraborty, Phani Majumder and others. On the national level, contributions of F. B. leaders like Sardul Singh Kavesher. Sheelbhadra Yajee, Hari Vishnu Kamath. R. S. Ruikar, K. N. Jogleker, Mukundalal Sarkar, Mathuramalingam Thevar were noteworthy.

                                                            8.

 While Forward Bloc was continuing their struggle against British imperialism in India. Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose was busily active in organising and leading his armed liberation force towards India from outside during the World War days. Of these two way movements one was complementary to the other, and Forward Bloc leaders used to have contacts with INA people abroad.

            Taking advantage of the World War. Subhas Chandra took help from British’s enemies without any strings attached. In a radio broadcast from Rome on 27 July 1942 he told his countrymen: “I again assure you that I will continue struggling for Indian independence until India is completely free. I also reassure you that if I accept foreign support for freeing India it will be on the condition that India gets complete independence. I will reach India when the occasion arises to guide your national struggle.’

Subhas reached Berlin on 28 March 1941. Having detailed talks with German Authority, organising the Indian prisoners of war brought to Germany from various European and Middle East war theatres. Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose first formed the Free India Army, Indian Legion and a Free India Centre on German soil in 1941. He was virtually crawling towards a war. But conforming with demands of the situation he changed his plan and shifted his launch-pad from Germany to the East and South-East Asia. Before leaving Germany Netaji advised his armyrnen not to take part in any military action against Soviet Russia against whom Germany declared war. Although he sought aids from Axis Powers during the World War, Netaji was all along very firm in his anti-fascist role.

 On 15 February 1942, Singapore fell to Japan. The abandoned 20,000 British Indian soldiers were taken over by the Japanese who in turn handed them overto Capt. Mohan Singh. This was genesis of the INA which later attracted thousands of Indians of East Asia under the leadship of Netaji.

In June 1942, Rashbihari Bose, the veteran Indan revolutionary in political exile in Japan, presided at a historic meeting of the Indian Independence League of the East Asian Indians held at Bangkok, which invited Netaji Subhas to come overfrom Germany to East Asia and assume the leadership of the Indian Independence Movement. Netaji promptly responded to the call. Leaving Germany on 8 February 1943, through a perilous 90-day submarine voyage to Sumatra and Penang, he reached Tokyo by air on 13 June 1943, where he succeeded in obtaining Japan’s assurance of full cooperation on the basis of mutual respect. From there he reached Singapore on 2 July 1943 and on 4 July 1943 took over the charge of the Indian Independence Leaugue being handed over by Rashbihari Bose. Eventually on 25 August 1943, Netaji assumed the charge of the 30,000 strong Indian National Army as its Supreme Commander. He went on whirlwind tour through Malay, Thailand, Burma and French Indo-China, and the Indians everywhere overwhelmingly responded to his call for ‘total mobilisation’. He established the provisional Azad Hind Government in Singapur on 21 October 1943 and declared war on Britain and America at midnight of 23 October 1943. Within a few days, nine countries — Japan, Germany, Italy, Croatia, Burma, Thailand, National China. Philippines and Manchuria — accorded their recognition to the Provisional  Govt. of Azad Hind headed by Netaji.

Azad Hind Govt. continued its war against the British imperialism for about 1 year and 10 months. The INA fired the first shot in the last war of India’s independence led by Netaji when they opened a campaign on the Arakan front on 4 February 1944 and fought a successful action. On the historic day of 18 March 1944 the INA crossed the Burma border and for the first time, stood on the sacred soil of India. They first hoisted the Free India flag at Moirang (Manipur) on 14 April 1944. These began their final assault on Imphal. But due to untimely natural calamitries, lack of food and military supplies the INA was forced to retreat. Netaji advised his armyrnen not to be depressed at the temporary failure and to get prepared for the next fight. ‘There is no power on earth that can keep India enslaved. India shall be free, and before long. [16 August, 1945].

Netaji left Saigon for an unknown destination on 17 August, 1945.

The captured INA men were brought to Delhi Red Fort and the trial & court marshall of Shahnawaz-Sahgal-Dhillon begun on 5 November 1945.

As soon as the story of Netaji and the INA’s heroic fights spread throughout the country and simultaneously with the beginning of the Red Fort trial, the entire country rose to frenzied enthusiasm and touched on anti-British riots, student-youth & Government employees’ movements. All these things lead to a fresh momentum in the freedom movement.

                                                            9.

Netaji predicted this post-war uprising well before and Forward Bloc get itself preparedfor it. Along with other political prisoners, Forward Bloc leaders were gradually released from jails during the second half of 1945 and actively participated in the movements. In protest against the Red Fort trial INA week was observed from 5 to 11 November and the INA day on 12 November 1945. The police fired on a protest rally in Kolkata on 21 November 1945 resulting in death of Rameswar Banerjee and Abdus Salam. The next day, the whole city exploded in anti-British riots. The Governor General Wavel admitted that the INA trial ‘was undoubtedly a serious blunder.’

The country burst out again in violent protests against the imprisonment of Rashid Ali, from 10 February 1946, leading to ruthless firing on streets by the military, and martyrdom of many. Immediately after, the country witnssed the most sensational Revolt in Indian Navy from 18 February 1946. They were indeed very much inspired by the fights and sacrifices of the INA

                                                 10.

Although still under ban, the active workers of the Forward Bloc from all over India met at Jabbalpore, Madhya Pradesh, in February 1946 to consolidate their forces and chalk out a programme of action. Leaders like R. S. Ruikar, Mukundalal Sarkar, Sheelbhadra Yajee joined the conference. Leaving the Communist Party. K. N. Joglekar, Soli Batliwala joined the Forward Bloc conference. The question of ideology and programme were discussed threadbare and ultimately a decision of far-reaching importance was taken which reiterated that, ‘Forward Bloc is a Socialist Party. accepting the theory of class struggle in its fullest implications and a programme of revolutionary mass action for the attainment of Socialism leading to a Classless Society.’

                                                                        11.

Cabinet Mission arrived India on 24 March 1946 to negotiate the terms of transfer of power. The Mission submitted its report on 16 May 1946 with recommendations for Interim Government and Constituent Assembly. The Forward Bloc warned the people that these compromise formulae would not lead to complete independence. Yet the Congress was bent to accept them out of sheer greed for power.

Meanwhile, the official bar on Forward Bloc was lifted in June 1946. The Working Committee of the All India Forward Bloc met in Bombay on 10 June 1946. where they ammended and clarified the Jubbalpore resolutions and finally released the Manifesto of the Forward Bloc which stated: ‘The Forward Bloc armed with a full-fledged revolutionary programme appeals to the workers and peasants, the intellectuals and the students, the men in the Army, the Navy, the Air Force and the Police to rally round the battle-cry of Netaji: All power to the Indian People.

‘The Forward Bloc stands for no compromise in its aim of immediate attainment of complete independence and condemns all attempts to involve the country into accepting the Dominion Status by the front or back door. The Forward Bloc stands for convening a Constituent Assembly but not a faked one on limited franchise which will install the Indian vested interest as the legal administrator of the land. The Constituent Assembly shall be called under the auspices of a Provisional National Government freely elected on the basis of universal adult suffrage of both sexes, which will draw up finally the Constitution of a free India.

Incidentally, it may be interesting here to note that the names of the members of the A. I. F. B. Working Committee in June 1946, were as such:

Sr. Founder President Netaji Subhas Ch. Bose. President Sarder Sardul Singh Kaveeshar. Vice-President: R. S. Ruikar, Sheelbhadra Yajee. General Secretary: Hari Vishnu Kamath. Secretaries: Mukundalal Sarkar, Vishwambhar Dayal Tripathi. Prof. Bidesh Kulkarni, Rajmannar Chity. Treasurer: Satyanarayan Bajaj. Members: Mian Akber Shah. Alim T. Gidwani, Lala Shankarlal. Ramgati Ganguly. Mathura Prasad Misra. Mrs. Lila Ray. Harendra Nath Ghosh. Ashrafuddin Ahmad Chowdhury. A. M. A. Zaman, Satyaranjan Bakshi, Kusum ranjan Chowdhury. Senapati M. P. Bapat, H. J. Khandekar. V. V. Subedar. Dr. S. G. Patwardhan. B. P. Bappaya, Mathuralingam Thevar, R. A Mandgi, Girdhar Thakkar, K. N. Jogleker. Ram Bhaw Nishel, Sardar Niranjan Singh Talib.

Despite Forward Bloc’s opposition, Congress made compromise with the British Government, to form the interim Government, on 2 September 1946 which could not reflect the people’s aspirations. Along with elections in other provincess, the Bengal Legislative Assembly election was held in December, 1946, wherein Forward Bloc leaders like Jyotish Ch. Ghosh. Hemanta Kumar Basu, Lila Ray were elected. The Constituent Assembly formed to effect transfer of power, had its first sitting on 9 December 1946. Hari Vishnu Kamath of Forward Bloc was elected its member. But Forward Bloc more and more realised that all these legislative bodies could not fulfil the people’s aspirations of freedom. So party once again decided to oppose it.

                                                            12.

Under the directives of the Active Workers’ Conference of the Forward Bloc held at Jabbalpore in February 1946, the post-war Revolutionary Thesis of the Party was drawn up, which was subsequently adopted at the Second All India Conference of the Forward Bloc held at Kunwar Singh Nagar, Arrah, from January 12 to 14, 1947.

The Arrah Thesis, as was popularly known in the political circle, was a turning point in the history of the Party, which called for ‘the consolidation of the Left forces in India for achieving the post-war revolution, leading to ‘All Power to the Indian People’, Which, as envisaged by Netaji, would fulfil the goal of ‘Freedom, Democracy and Socialism.’

The other important resolution adopted at the Arrah Congress was the decision to boycott the Constituent Assembly and the Provincial Legislature Assemblies. The Party took the decision as a mark of protest against the right-wing Congress that moved for compromise with the British Government and their conspiracy for partition of India. In accordance with this boycott resolution Forward Bloc legislators like Jyotish Ch.. Ghosh, Lila Ray and others resigned from their respective seats. H. V. Kamath did not agree to resign, so he was dissociated from the Party. His resolution amendment proposal failed at a special Party Session held at Bauria in April, 1947.

                                                 13.

With renewed faith in Netaji’s call for uncompromising struggle against British Imperialism, Forward Bloc started reorganising and strengthening the Party since Arrah Congress. Despite of all opposition. Congress came to terms with the British Government to implement transfer of power at the cost of ‘Partition of India’ on 15 August, 1947. Forward Bloc was then the only Party who opposed partition and observed the Independence Day as the Day of National Mourning. Forward Bloc members and workers had to undergo a lot of sufferings for it. at the hands of Congress opposition, but they stuck to their point which was later appreciated by millions of Hindus. Muslims and Sikhs who were sufferer because of partition.

                                                                        14.

In March, 1948 National Council meeting of the Party held at Benaras which became the epicentre of various conflicting incidents thereafter, and in consequence of these incidents ideological contradiction surfaced within the Party. Some were in favour of scientific socialism with the theory of class struggle, and the others were not. This contradiction resulted into two parallel conventions, for the socialists at Chandannagar of Hooghly District, West Bengal; and for the anti-socialists at Calcutta. There was virtually a split in the Party.

The Chandannagar Convention unequivocally declared its firm faith in scientific socialism. The red flag with a leaping tiger and crossed hammer and sickle was adopted as the Party flag.

                       15.

The Fourth Plenary Session of All India Forward Bloc held at Ingota in Uttar Pradesh. in July 1949, reiterated Party’s theoritical line adopted at Chandannagar earlier. In the resolution of this session All india Forward Bloc declared the Congress party as ‘an organisation of the capitalists and the vested interests’, and described the Socialist Party as ‘a party of His Majesty’s Opposition’ only. At the same time Forward Bloc strived for left-unity.

The resolution thus read:

“The Forward Bloc does not accept the New Democracy stand of the CPI. We believe in preparing for the socialist revolution accepting the benifits of Marxism and Leninism… We want the unity of all the leftist and progressive forces for the success of the socialist revolution.

                                   16.

The Fifth Party Congress of All India Forward Bloc held at Puri of Orissa, in December 1952. Meanwhile a different endeavour were made from different quarters for greater left-unity, of which Forward Bloc was also a party. Besides, there was an effort for the reunification of Forward Bloc, and it succeeded with a concluding convention held at Sahid Minar Maidan. Kolkata on 22 June, 1951.

It was unanimously decided to accept scientific socialism as the prime objective of the Party.

                                                           17.

Important to note the first General Election of the country was held in February. 1952. And the Fifth Party Congress of All India Forward Bloc held from 28 to 31 December. 1952. at Puri, as stated earlier. The Party Congress endorsed the idea of achieving socialism, based on the theory of class struggle. The Party Flag remained the same as was accepted in Chandannagar Convention.

In the political resolution it said:  ‘Forward Bloc demanded abolition of the Privy Purse, non-payment of compensation to the land-lords, abolition of all taxes that hit the common man, nationalisation of key industries,… land to the landless,… scaling down of prices…. formation of provinces on linguistic and cultural basis and ceassation from British Commonwealth etc.

                                    18.

The then Chairman of All India Forward Bloc Mohan Singh and General Secretary Sheelbhadra Yajee, in April 1955, all on a sudden declared before the press that, as the Congress party had of late accepted the path of socialism in their recently held session, therefore there was no need of continuing a separate existence of Forward Bloc. This unilateral decision of these two leaders created sharp reaction among the rank and file of the Party. Under the dyanamic leadership of U. Mathuralingam Thevar, Hemanta  Kumar Bose and others, Party was reorganised throughout the country, and met an Emergency Session at Nagpur in May, 1955.

                                         19.

The Sixth Party Congress of All India Forward Bloc was held at Baghora in Madhya Pradesh, from 8 to 11 May, 1958. Most significantly, the resolution adopted in this Party Congress warned: ‘The ballot boxes cannot break the vicious circle of capitalist exploitation, nor they can bring power to the people. Extra parliamentary activities of mass action, resulting in an all-comprehensive revolutionary class struggle are needed for this. We can and should participate in elections, side by side with our preparation for revolutionary class struggle.’

                                                           20.

The Seventh Party Congress of Forward Bloc was held in New Delhi for three days. 18 to 20 August, 1961. In this Party Congress Forward Bloc strongly condemned the Chineese Aggression and asked them to vacate the occupied Indian territory.

                                   21.

The Eighth Party Congress, held at Madurai in Tamilnadu, from 18 to 20 February 1966, was an important turn. Chairman of the Party declared at this Congress :

“The Government of India had tried to prove, for the reasons best known to them. that Netaji is dead. But the people of the country have refused to accept the report of the Shah Nawaj Inquiry Committee the demand for a fresh enquiry on Netaji has become irresistible. I urge upon the Government of India to appoint a committee headed by the Chief Justice of India to enquire into the matter.’

                                    22.

The Ninth Party Congress was held in Calcutta, from 15 to 20 February, 1970. The Party in its document declared :

‘Socialism in India must stand on the base of Nationalism. If we are to draw any programme of socialist revolution we must consider the specific conditions of our country. We can see only in Netaji’s ideals the combination of the three principles of Socialism, Revolution and Nationalism. The Forward Bloc, founded by Netaji, must take the responsibility of spreading the message of socialist revolution throughout the country.

                                    23.

Ramgarh of Bihar observed the Tenth Party Congress of All India Forward Bloc, from17 to 19 March, 1979. Forward Bloc declared at the Ramgarh Congress:

‘In our opinion, the present phase of Indian Revolution is a socialist one. It is only through the socialist revolution that the basic ills of the class-torn society can be removed.’

                                                              24.

In March 1984. the Eleventh Party Congress was held in Calcutta. The Eleventh Party Congress stated :

‘True, we are of opinion that the present phase of Indian Revolution is that of Socialist Revolution historically viewed, and our Party has given the call to prepare for the socialist revolution. But the call for a left and democratic unity is a step towards that aim in the context of the existing corelation of class forces.’

                                                               25. 

New Delhi hosted the Twelfth Party Congress of All India Forward Bloc, which was held from 10 to 13 February, 1991. This Party Congress reiterated the call for a left, democratic and secular unity in order to ensure the democratic advance and safeguard the unity, integrety and independence of the country. The Party Congress indicated about the potential danger to the Indian polity arising out of the growing strength of the Bharatiya Janata Party seeking to replace the Indian National Congress in the Central Governmen. And thereby the Party Congress endowed great importance on the left-democratic-secular unity, as it would be the only viable alternative to both Indian National Congress and Bharatiya Janata Party.

                                                                   26.

In the perspective of the turmoils developed in the socialist world, collapse of Soviet Union, debacles in the international socialist movement and other odds. a Special Party Plenum was held at Thirubanantapuram, in Kerala, which was most significant.one. It was held from 22 to 24 September, 1992. The Document adopted in this Special Plenary Session thus read as:

‘When people have been overwhelmed by the negative developments in Europe and Russia, the Indian socialists need not loose heart and join the chorus of funeral thumping over the ‘death of socialism’ and join the gleeful rejoicing of the enemies of socialism…… As all over the world, in the mainstream of the Indian socialist movement mingled from the very day of its inception two conflicting streams. One was the ‘Right Wing’ who stood for a reformist programme above everything else. On the other hand. there were ‘adherents’ and followers of Moscow. But between these two groups was another group which stood for socialism –for full blooded socialism, but which desired that India should evolve her own form of socialism as well as her own method. Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose declared, To this group. I humbly claim to believe.’ At this most critical juncture of the world socialist movement, the socialist movement in India, although punctuated with many setbacks in the past, is required to break new path for applying the universal truth of scientific socialism in the extent of concrete realities, particularities and specificities of the Indian situation.

                                                                     27.

The Thirteenth Party Congress, was held at Ranchi, of Bihar, from 8 to 12 December. 1995.

The Party Congress articulated two main points:

1. ‘In India, Parliamentary Democracy has deep roots. Our Party does not believe that socialism can be achieved through parliamentary methods. But it does not avoid election because it provides opportunities to develop class struggle. Unlike bourgeoisie parties, our Party lays more stress on the extra-parliamentary struggles to achieve its objectives.’

2. ‘Revolution cannot be imported from outside, neither it can be exported. It is to be organised within the country by the people of the country themselves. And the success of a revolution depends very much on the favourable objectives in the country.’

                                                               28.

And then, before heading towards the Fourteenth Party Congress (December, 2000), the National Council of the Party in its meeting held in New Delhi, on 10 & 11 October 1998, resoluted :

‘In the clumsy situation of the Indian politics, it is high time to think loudly on the emancipatory ideals of Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose. What Netaji thought in 20’s and 30’s are still relevant. In his numerous addresses, he spoke very firmly that the programme of socialist reconstruction should be followed in India. The ideology of Netaji can be utilised for harmonise and solve the problems and crisis confronting the present day politics.

                              FOOTSTEPS OF THE FORWARD BLOC

1940:                         First All India Conference. 20, 21, 22 June. Nagpur, Maharashtra.

                        President: Subhas Chandra Bose

                        General Secretary: H. V. Kamath

1947:                         Second All India Conference. 12, 13, 14 June. Arrah, Bihar.

                        President: Sardar Shardul Singh Kaveesher

                        General Secretary: Sheelbhadra Yajee

1948:             3rd Party Congress of two factions. On same 29, 30, 31 December.

1. Nrityagopal Smriti Mandir, Chandannagar, Hooghly, West Bengal

                         President: Sheelbhadra Yajee

           General Secretary: K. N. Joglekar

           2. Ashutosh College Hall, Calcutta

                         General Secretary R. S. Ruikar

1949:          4th Plenary Session. July 1949. Ingota, Bundelkhand, Uttar Pradesh.

1952:          5th Party Congress. 28. 29, 30, 31 December. Puri. Orissa.

                    Chairman: Gen. Mohon Singh

         General Secretary Lt. G. S. Dhillon

1958:          6th Party Congress. 8, 9, 10, 11 May. Baghora, Madhaya Pradesh

                     Chairman: Hemanta Kumar Basu

                     General Secretary R. K. Haldulkar

1961:         7th Party Congress. 18, 19, 20 August. New Delhi.

        Chairman Hemanta Kumar Basu

        General Secretary R. K. Haldulkar

1966:                     8th Party Congress. 18, 19, 20 February. Madurai, Tamilnadu.

         Chairman: Hemanta Kumar Basu

         General Secretary: R. K. Haldulkar

1970:                     9th Party Congress. 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20 February. Kolkata, Bengal.

        Chairman: Hemanta Kumar Basu

        General Secretary R. K. Haldulkar

1979:         10th Party Congress. 17, 18, 19 March. Ramgarh, Bihar

        Chairman Mukhia Thevar

        General Secretary: Chitta Basu

1984:                      11th Party Congress. 3, 4, 5 March. Kolkata, West Bengal

          Chairman P. D. Paliwal

                      General Secretary: Chitta Basu

1991:          12th Party Congress. 10, 11, 12, 13 February. New Delhi. 1991:

         Chairman P. D. Paliwal

         General Secretary: Chitta Basu

1995:          13th Party Congress. 8, 9, 10, 11, 12 December. Ranchi, Bihar.

         Chairman A. R. Perumal

         General Secretary: Chitta Basu

P. D. Paliwal died on 23 July, 1991. A. R. Perumal was nominated in his place as Chairman of the Party.

A. R. Perumal died on 21 April, 1998. I. N. A. Ambalam became the Chairman of the Party.

Chitta Basu died on 5 October, 1997. Debabrata Biswas became the General Secretary of the Party.

I.N.A. Ambalam died in an road accident. After his demise D.D Shastri was placed as Chairman of the Party.

NETAJI SUBHAS CHANDRA BOSE AND INDIA TODAY

1. According to Subhas Chandra : What in the India we like to have is progressive system which will fulfill the social needs of whole people and be based on national sentiment. In other words, it will be a synthesis of nationalism and socialism.’

     The Socialist parties of India, after the independence, became totally          evaporated and turned into stools of bourgeois parties. The Communist Party by this period splitted into many, with more and more theories and dogma on absolute Marxism failed totally. And now they are speaking out of the values of nationalism with socialistic flavor.

• Netaji paid importance on industrialisation, with the scientific development in agricultural sector, and was in favour of revival of those cottage industries which have had littlest viability. According to him, the industries must be nationalised.

     The Indian economy today is at the verge  of collapse due to anti-national anti-people policies and succumbed to the terms and dictates of the imperialist powers. Most of the nationalized and public sector undertaking are going to be either closed sold out to the private hand. In fact, the question of industrialization of the country depends on MNCs. Process of agricultural development have been stopped and the ruling parties are eager even to import foodgrains to please their imperialist masters.

• Subhas Chandra observed that a broad based left- unity had been an urgent necessity to combat the ruling imperialist forces which was a world phenomenon. For the reaso0n he developed the left Consolidation Committee with the initiative of Forward bloc, having Congress Socialist Party, National Front or the communists, Kisan Sabha, League of Radical Congressmen or the pro-M.N. Roy communist group, Labour Party and Ansuhilan Marxists as the constituents. But all of them betrayed, kept aside when action was formulated, and pave the way for the victory of the Rightists.

The same is being repeated in national politics since 1977, the time defeat of Indian National Congress. In the last two decades left and democratic forces did not get united, rather dismantled dismantled so frequently that the agents of imperialists and monopoly capitalists took the opportunity and grabbed the power without any effort. Still, it is the reality that the unity of the left, democratic and secular forces can a pro-people alternative which can strive for rescue of the country.

• The Subhas era of the Congress history, as characterized by contradictions, confrontation and conflicts between left and right, between pro-federation and anti-federation, between pro-ministry and anti-ministry, between pro-compromise and anti-compromise etc. etc., were basically a fight between two classes, between two ideologies, i.e. socialism and capitalism, of which Subhas was the focal point.

The present Indian political context is practically a newer edition of the picture. As the days gone by, the confrontation between the people and the ruling class growing high and acute. The communal, secessionist and parochial activities on one hand and workers, peasants and lower middle class movements on the other, the manifestation of deep throbs of future-day class struggle. Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose, the father of Indian  Planning, the great theoretician of Indian political philosophy, the greatest leader of India’s freedom war hereby comes before us, stays by our side, keep his hand in our hands, and inspires us to the dream when we all shall be free from types of bondage.